عناصر مشابهة

التحديات الحرجة أمام حركات الإسلام السياسي في الوطن العربي

تفصيل البيانات البيبلوغرافية
العنوان بلغة أخرى:Serious Challenges to Political Islam Movements in the Arab World
المصدر:مجلة دراسات شرق أوسطية
الناشر: مركز دراسات الشرق الاوسط
مؤلف: الأردن. مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط (مؤلف)
المجلد/العدد:مج 18, ع 67
محكمة:نعم
الدولة:الأردن
التاريخ الميلادي:2014
الصفحات:141 - 150
DOI:10.12816/0004860
ISSN:1811-8208
رقم MD:514981
نوع المحتوى: بحوث ومقالات
قواعد المعلومات:HumanIndex
EcoLink
مواضيع:
رابط المحتوى:
LEADER 05716nam a22002297a 4500
001 1431859
024 |3 10.12816/0004860 
044 |b الأردن 
110 |9 312  |a الأردن. مركز دراسات الشرق الأوسط  |e مؤلف  |q Jordan. Middle East Studies Center 
245 |a التحديات الحرجة أمام حركات الإسلام السياسي في الوطن العربي  
246 |a Serious Challenges to Political Islam Movements in the Arab World 
260 |b مركز دراسات الشرق الاوسط  |c 2014  |g ربيع 
300 |a 141 - 150 
336 |a بحوث ومقالات  |b Article 
520 |b Since early 2011, the Arab World has witnessed a series of political shifts ranging between uprisings and reform movements. Revolts broke out first in Tunisia and Egypt, and then in Libya, Yemen and Syria, whereas reform activities took place in Jordan, Morocco and Iraq. After that, more than one country saw an interim stage, which was featured by several political, social and economic crises extending to security and military fields. Such turbulence was attributed by some to the revolts and reform movements per se and, later, to the political powers which led the scene. Some historians, sociologists and economists believe that they represent a product of structural state- and society-level problems which the Arab regimes failed to solve over the past 60 years. The accumulation of these miserable conditions could only be uncovered by the activists in both tracks. As an atmosphere of change and fighting of corruption, injustice and dictatorship, the political Islam movements were not the only players in the Arab Spring. They constituted part of a broader national leadership inclusive of all public parties. However, the activities were accompanied by regional andinternational concerns due to their possible medium- and long- run consequences, mainly in terms of better democracy, public participation, political independence and comprehensive development as well as political Islam movements’ access to power, whether by themselves or with partners. In spite of the nature of ideological alignment in some Arab countries with respect to politics, the ACT believes that the current crisis is merely centered on authority and ruling, even if ideology is employed by relevant parties. The ACT also asserts that it is basically a shift towards democracy after 6 decades of that kind of independence void of genuine societal, democratic dialogue. It was natural for political Islam movements assuming power in the aftermath of uprisings in Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco to encounter problems. That is basically attributed to their attempt to go into new areas of public affairs - like ruling - from which they had been excluded with other opposition parties during previous dictatorships. In fact, the miserable political, social and economic conditions inherited from those regimes and the high expectations by citizens after the revolts added to their dilemma. Furthermore, due to the absence of the theory of national partnership for different political parties, political Islam movements - despite their massive public support in ballot boxes - did not manage to cooperate with such parties. Therefore, they had to bear the responsibility of the interim stage by themselves. As they have such a heavy presence in the Arab World, these movements have become central to the success of the Arab Spring and Democratic shift. Thus, if they are faced by any crisis, it will positively or negatively affect the reality of the Arab Spring. In light of the current political and social developments, the possibilities of the political Islam movements’ crisis and its these countries. The geopolitical factors for each of these movements as well as each country’s social and economic features and regional, international significance are essential in this regard. Major scenarios here are considered as follows: • escalation of the conflict between these movements and rival and affected parties • reaching political settlements • persistence of the status quo, in terms of political and public division The following main recommendations are made: 1. Islamists should send messages of reassurance in order to pass the stage peacefully and successfully; alleviate internal and pan-Arab disputes; and accomplish the targets of uprisings and reform movements. 2. They should emphasize their commitment to a civil state with an Islamic reference, which is totally different from a theocratic state in its scientific sense, pledging to maintain the nation as the source of power whose circulation takes place through balloting. 3. Islamists should present their thoughts and programs within a consistent discourse in internal and external terms, so that citizens could deal with their propositions freely without feeling any kind of compulsion. 4. All Arab political powers (Islamists, Arab-nationalists, leftists, etc.) should resort to deep dialogue away from media. The Arab states which fear revolts should realize that political Islam movements represent an integral of the Arab World. Dealing with them in security rather than political terms jeopardizes societal peace. 
653 |a الربيع العربي   |a الحركات الإسلامية   |a الأحداث الساسية   |a العالم العربي  
773 |4 العلوم السياسية  |6 Political Science  |c 011  |e Middle East Studies Journal  |f Maǧallaẗ dirāsāt šarq awsaṭiyyaẗ  |l 067  |m  مج 18, ع 67  |o 0836  |s مجلة دراسات شرق أوسطية  |v 018  |x 1811-8208 
856 |u 0836-018-067-011.pdf 
930 |d y  |p y  |q y 
995 |a HumanIndex 
995 |a EcoLink 
999 |c 514981  |d 514981